«Collective Security in the 21st century; Building new bridges»
Ladies and gentlemen,
I would like to thank the Brookings Institution and particularly Strobe Talbott for their invitation. It is an honor for me to address such a distinguished audience.
Let me begin with the obvious. I think we all agree that 2009 is a critical year. It could be the beginning of the end or the end of the beginning of an incredibly challenging time.
The global financial and economic crisis casts a shadow over all of our efforts.
And no doubt it concerns people not just numbers. The massive economic downturn we are witnessing is dramatically changing the political landscape thus presenting a security concern all in itself.
In the wider European region alone, just a few weeks ago, the gas crisis reminded us of the vulnerability of our energy supplies. The after-effects of the Georgia conflict last August have not given way to long-term stability.
In Kosovo, the year that has passed since its unilateral declaration of independence has brought us no closer to a consensus on its status. In Transdniestria andNagorno-Karabakh, longstanding protracted conflicts continue to defy resolution.
One thing is clear. In our multi-polar world, security depends on more than just power. It depends on building relationshipsand forging ties. It depends on building bridges over troubled waters.
Global problems require global solutions. The need for global governance, the need for collective action and an international order based on common rules, has never been greater.
We in Greece have developed through the ages the art of building bridges.Therefore, I am proud to say that over the years Greece has forged strong ties and built solid relationships with peoples close and afar that have withstood the test of time.
Greece is present in the efforts made by the international community for peace and security in regions as far apart,as Kosovo, Albania, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Nagorno-Karabakh, Georgia, Western Sahara, Abkhazia, Eritrea & Ethiopia and Sudan.
In the Persian Gulf and the Mediterranean, Greece helps combat international terrorism. In Somalia we are assisting in the combat of piracy.
In the Middle East we have been active amongst others in assisting the women of the region on their road to empowerment.And in Afghanistan our force there is assisting in the reconstruction of the country.
With this in mind, I would like to describe three bridges we see as very significant.
§First, the bridge over the Atlantic that brings Europe and the US together.
§Second, the bridge across Eurasia that brings Russia closer to the US and Europe.
§Third, the bridge over the European heartlands that brings the Balkans
to the European family.
Ladies and gentlemen,
The first and most obvious bridge is the one across the Atlantic: the bedrock of our post-war system.
Europe and the US have a long history of interdependence as global partners with global responsibilities.
As Vice President Biden said at the Munich Security Conference earlier this month,“in sharing ideals and searching for partners in a more complex world, Americans and Europeans still look to one-another before they look to anyone else”.
Now, there is a saying that goes “great winds blow upon high hills”. The European Union has guaranteed peace and prosperity for each of its 27 members. But we must not forget that our era asks for greater engagement with the rest of the world.
I strongly believe that the US would benefit from a strong Europe that stands as an equal and solid partner.
Now is the opportunity to do so, with a new Administration that has generated such popularity and enthusiasm around the world.
Now is the time to think of ways to further deepen this relationship, including, but by no means limiting it to, the NATO framework.
We need to formulate the most expedient power-sharing possible with each side undertaking the responsibilities it is most fit to bear. In this context, European soft power is a desired corollary to US military might. Still, Europe must develop, as it has already started to do slowly, its own military capability, which is crucial, particularly in regions, where only Europe is an acceptable mediator by all.
To be totally candid however there are certain issues that the European Union must resolve in order to keep our side of the bargain. We have shown leadership, as in the crisis in Georgia, but we still have some way to go.
The latest news from Ireland are encouraging and I am optimistic that once the Lisbon Treaty is cleared, Europe will come closer to finding its common voice. Henry Kissinger may never get that one phone number to dial he asked for, but the US will have one reliable partner.
Ladies and gentlemen,
The second bridge is the one we can build across Eurasia to Russia.
As you probably know, in January 2009 Greece has assumed the Chairmanship of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe.
There are several challenges in Europe that bring to light the real potential of the OSCE particularly when it comes to crisis management. The Georgia conflict showed
that a crisis in the wider European region is not a distant possibility. The fact is that the OSCE with 56 participating States and 11 Partners for Cooperation remains a critical part of international efforts in order to establish security and stability from Vancouver to Vladivostok.
Only last week after extensive consultations, the 56 OSCE participating States agreed to extend until 30 June the presence of the Organization’s military monitoring officers in Georgia.And in January, following the OSCE active mediation, the Georgian government repaired a pipeline and authorized the delivery of natural gas to the areas in South Ossetia, after extensive consultations with my Special Representative.
The situation on the ground requires our presence.
Lately there has been a lot of talk about the prospects of a dialogue on European security.
Many are skeptical of the set of ideas put forward by President Medvedev and President Sarkozy. But few would question the need for joint cooperation in order to enhance and further strengthen security in the wider European region.
The need to “press the reset button” with respect to Euro-Atlantic, and in particular U.S.-Russian relations, has been widely acknowledged. At this point, there are more questions than answers as to what this means practically, but we can all agree that a wide-ranging dialogue on security, held in good faith and with a view to finding common ground, is long overdue.
Global challenges demand that we engage with each other in a more holistic approach. On “hard” security questions such as arms control and “soft” security challenges such as climate change, illegal migration and human trafficking, the need for global co-operation is more pressing than ever before.
In this effort for a new concept of European Security, three main guidelines should be applied.
The first is modesty. We have come a long way since the Cold War. Walls have been torn down and families reunited. But the job is not done.
Some European States feel that we have still to overcome all the dividing lines in Europe. If we want to be honest with ourselves, we must admit that we can do more to foster indivisible security throughout the Euroatlantic region.
A second guideline is consolidation.Even as we explore new paths, our point of departure must be what we have already achieved. The area is rich in experience and with organisations mandated to develop common security. The OSCE has a special place in this architecture. As we consider new initiatives, let us build on the ground that we have cleared already.
The third guideline should be to make haste slowly. We should take the time required to prepare a positive agenda, to consider all options and consult as extensively as possible. When the Heads of State and Government of the Conference for Security and Cooperation in Europe met in Helsinki in 1975, the participating States had held more than 2400 meetings in Geneva, and deliberated on 4,660 proposals. So, if one aims for a “Helsinki Plus”, let us not forget the careful work this will require.
In the meantime and as our discussions unfold we must not waste any time and move forward with the toolbox that we already have in our hands.
On the one hand, we should support the reactivation of NATO-Russia Council so that it reaches its full potential as soon as possible.
On the other hand, we must boost the EU’s neighborhood policy and our Eastern Partnership. In this regard we welcome the initiative of the Czech EU Presidency.
And of course, we need to intensify our efforts to deal with the so-called frozen conflicts which we know can turn hot very quickly.
The third and final bridge, ladies and gentlemen, is the one that leads the Balkans to Brussels.
Let me be as clear as I can: For us there is no doubt that the only way forward is full membership in the EU and NATO for the whole of South East Europe.
Greece, as the oldest EU and NATO member in the region, feels a heightened responsibility to assist its neighbors on their road to progress through the necessary change and reform.
Although we have come a long way since the 1990s, the region still remains a work in progress.
We, in Athens, are quite concerned about developments in three areas.
In Bosnia-Herzegovina, fourteen years after the Dayton Accords, much remains to be done, especially when it comes to streamlining decision-making.A change in the mindset, the active participation of all its citizens and a certain degree of political consensus is needed. After some slow progress in 2008, 2009 is a crucial year in the European integration of the country in order to match this of its neighbors.
It is significant that countless prophesies of doom never materialized.
As it is equally significant that the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina, irrespective of religious and ethnic background, are looking forward towards a Euro-Atlantic future for their region. Yet, the state remains extremely fragile and the international community must re-engage.
Turning to the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. In the past couple of years a number of worrying signals have been coming from Skopje. The Government of Nicolas Gruefski appears to have chosen the road of nationalism, awakening Balkan ghosts. The forthcoming Presidential elections this March will be another key test.
Particularly since last June’s parliamentary elections were mired with violence and voting irregularities. As you probably know, Greece has been in negotiations, under the auspices of the UN, for years with the FYROM over its name. Despite our good will and our sincere efforts, these negotiations have not been successful so far. We hope that the Government of Skopje will meet us half-way and agree on a win-win solution.
Last but not least, Turkey. I think many of us agree that Turkey’s accession to the European Union is key. Greece is very much in support, and has proved it over the years.
Our support for Turkey is naturally offered under the same rules and principles which apply to each and every EU candidate. This is the same process for everyone – the one for example that Greece had to go through.Hence, our support can not be unconditional. It relies upon Turkey honoring her commitments and promises.
Turkey has taken certain steps forward, in the reform process. We were all happy to note that there was some progress with the amendment of infamous Article 301 of the penal code.This was long overdue.
Much remains to be done however. Overall progress is assessed by the EU as quite modest. A number of outstanding issues remain to be addressed. These issues concern among others, the consolidation of the democratic system, as well as the respect of minority rights, of the freedom of religion and of the freedom of expression. In the same spirit, good neighbourly relations and adherence to International Law are also of capital importance.
No doubt Turkey has a long and winding road ahead. Nevertheless, it is clear that it is a road well worth travelling because it would benefit both Turkey and Europe.
Linked with Turkey’s prospects for accession to the EU is its continued occupation of Cyprus. A just, lasting, and functional solution for the reunification of the island after 35 years of Turkish occupation is long overdue.
In 2008 we welcomed the beginning of a new effort, within the UN framework, with direct talks between the two sides. We hope that this new effort will achieve an agreed settlement, which will at last reunify the island and allow the two communities to live side by side and prosper.
To conclude, Ladies and Gentlemen,
We are part of a world that is changing and demands that we change with it.
Building bridges is best done on the foundations of what we have worked so hard to achieve over the past decades. And moving forward with the tools at hand, while we develop new ones, will keep us from wasting time, and save us from watering down hard-won agreements and standards. Greece stands ready to facilitate this process in any format and at any level our partners deem appropriate.
U.S. vision and leadership are essential to our common endeavors.
After all as Aristotle said “You will never do anything in this world without courage. It is the greatest quality of the mind next to honor.”
Thank you for your attention.