Distinguished Guests,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
It is a great honour once again to be among so many distinguished guests at the Economist Conference. I am particularly glad of the opportunity to speak from this podium about the challenges being confronted by the Western Balkans and the global community. After all, any discussion of our neighbourhood should start from the global environment in which we are being called upon to act.
I is now clear that the end of the Cold War did not mark the end of history – as some argued – and that we did not resolve the problem of global governance through the establishment of a single superpower. For nearly two decades now, the notion of global governance has been one of the central issues being addressed not only in international relations theory, but also in the practice of post-Cold War international politics.
Today, this discussion is more timely than ever. There is no question that we are living in a multipolar world characterized by intense competition between states and the emergence of new powers pursuing a role and say in international and regional organizations. We are thus being called upon to adapt organizations’ institutional frameworks in order to redress the system’s balance.
Likewise, states’ foreign policies are shifting and being reoriented. In Greece, we are participating actively in global and regional fora. We are seeking international solutions to the international problems shaking our planet. At the same time, we are trying to convert the global challenge into a national opportunity; to ensure our national interests and capitalize on our country’s geopolitical and geo-economic dynamic.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Unfavourable economic developments upset balances, determine the political stage on which we act, and – in the final analysis – change the very way we think.
Nature hates a vacuum, and the pressure of developments due to the crisis is such that new dynamics have already come into play; dynamics that had lain dormant for decades. Thus, for example, a longstanding demand of countries in the developing world to participate in the global decision-making process – at least on the economic level – has become a reality: Virtually overnight, the G8 became the G-20.
At this point I would like to focus on the manner in which this change took place. For years, we discussed the changing political stage and the repercussions of the rapid growth of developing economies, assuming that they would gradually evolve into new poles of power. But nothing presaged the sudden change that was to take place and that would alter the world’s course irrevocably. It might be risky to make a prediction at this point, but I am certain that future historians will see more than just an increase from G8 to G-20 – they will see a major turning point in world history; a point of reference at which the center of gravity of major decisions shifted from Europe and the U.S. to all of the new powers intently pursuing their share of prosperity and growth. The future historian will point to the appearance of a multipolar global system that will determine things from here on in and will leave behind definitively the Cold-War and unipolar world of decades past.
Today, countries like China, India and Brazil are entering the game dynamically and demanding to participate in the taking of the most important decisions.
And our image of the world to date is altering radically. Recent data reveals that China will have more English-speakers than any other country in the world, partly due to its fast-growing population. At the same time, rapid population growth in India is resulting in some interesting statistics: 25% of India’s top pupils are already outperforming all of their U.S. counterparts.
Developments are even making it imperative that we rethink the architecture of the international organizations currently at our disposal – mainly the UN. The current structure of the UN was mapped out by France, England, the U.S. and the USSR, under De Gaulle, Churchill, Roosevelt and Stalin, and it was designed to meet the needs of a society emerging from the rubble of two world wars. Today, our societies’ needs have changed and are still changing, rapidly. New countries are quite reasonably pursuing participation in the Security Council and a strong role in the decision-making process for resolving complex international issues on the order of climate change, weapons proliferation, new forms of terrorism, the spread of poverty, underdevelopment. We cannot persist in the logic of a bygone era. And one might well wonder to what extent it is possible to keep countries like Germany, India and Brazil – countries that are key movers in the political and economic developments of our time – out of the Security Council. Many have called the current institutional architecture of the UN obsolete – quite justly, I think.
This is why a decades-long debate on global governance has resurfaced. Today, new challenges and threats are stark proof that we are living in a world less stable than that of the Cold War. All of these challenges – and as many more that I have not mentioned – underscore the need for international cooperation, the importance of international coordination, if we are to control the damage from these threats and create, as an international community, the conditions for a future of prosperity, security and peace. We have to make an ally of globalization. Within this framework, intensification of the UN’s cooperation with key regional organizations – like the European Union, NATO and the OSCE – is imperative.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
In recent years, the EU has been a key player in decision-making processes through its participation in international organizations. Since 1974, when it gained observer status at the UN, the EU has persistently promoted its member states’ interests in the sectors of economy and social policy. Today, the Union’s firm objective remains the further deepening of its cooperation with the UN.
In 2004, the EU welcomed 10 new members, including Cyprus, and in 2007, Bulgaria and Romania were brought into the fold, giving Greece its first land borders with EU countries. The member states and population of the EU nearly doubled. So it was imperative that we adopt a new Treaty that would take into account the new state of affairs; a Treaty that would respond to the needs of the times, throwing off the outdated policies of yesterday.
Right now, in the wake of the Irish “no”, and too keep the Reform Treaty from ending up a dead letter, Greece is actively supporting the completion of the process of the Lisbon Treaty’s adoption by the 27 member states. We believe that the Irish “no” will be overturned soon and that the new Treaty will lead Europe into the 21st century. We are – after all – at a turning point. If we don’t move ahead with the adoption of the Lisbon Treaty by all the member states, I fear that developments will soon outpace the text. We are racing against the clock, and the countdown has begun. We need to move ahead. And we will move ahead.
As a member of the European Union, Greece is a member of the hard core, and this ensures our position among the frontline forces of Europe. In an insecure global environment, our country is monitoring developments and applauding every effort at cooperation, whether on the global or regional level. We are facing challenges with a carefully worked out plan and active participation in international and European fora.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
If we look closely at developments on the regional level, they confirm the positive contribution of the OSCE, the largest Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe.For many years, people have been describing the OSCE as a large NGO; as a club of countries wasting their time, energy and resources.But reality has proven even the fiercest skeptics wrong.Unfortunately, war returned to our continent and the recent crisis in the Caucasus showed the OSCE’s importance.It became clear that if the OSCE did not exist, we would have to invent it.The crisis in the Caucasus in August 2008 put the Organization’s capabilities and limits to a strong test.
Today, powers such as the U.S. and Russia come to the OSCE table because they consider this Organization the most appropriate forum for the redefinition of their political interdependencies on a series of significant issues.Furthermore, the Organization’s structure is suited to this purpose: such talks are part of its mandate.As of late, both Washington and Moscow have shown a desire to settle the outstanding issues between them within the framework of international organizations such as the United Nations, NATO and the OSCE.In this respect, Greece welcomes the two countries’ efforts and supports them with all its might.At the beginning of the year, our country took over the demanding task of chairing the OSCE.The crisis in the Caucasus tested the Greek Chairmanship’s strength and dynamism.Within this framework, Greece tried to address the crisis in the best possible manner and worked hard to settle disputes and find solutions.
It should be noted that the Greek Chairmanship has produced the following positive results thus far:in South Ossetia, we contributed to reinstating the provision of natural gas, and in Georgia we managed to maintain the 20-strong OSCE military observer mission until the end of June.
In about a month’s time, on 27 and 28 June, we will continue discussions on European security and we will have the opportunity to exchange views within the framework of the informal Meeting of OSCE Foreign Ministers, which will take place in Corfu.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
In the same mindset, I think that these days no country has the luxury of watching these developments as a passive observer, of navel-gazing.Today, Greece conducts its foreign policy promoting peace and stability in its broader neighbourhood.Within this framework, we consistently support our neighbours’ Euroatlantic perspective, concurrently promoting our national interests with determination and crystal-clear positions.
To Greece, the entry of all the countries of the Balkans into the EU and NATO is a fundamental priority.This is why our country has been promoting their economic development by following an outward-looking economic policy that ensures political stability.Today, Greece has consolidated its position among the principal investment powers in most Balkan countries.In spite of current trends, which want national economies to draw back and reduce investments, we have been consolidating the presence of Greek businesses and banks in the Balkans.Our aim is to bolster these countries’ economies through Greek investments;to create an environment of stability and growth.Within this framework, we have been allocating significant public funds for the implementation of infrastructure projects and the provision of development aid to the region’s countries.Through HiPERB, we will spend €550 million by 2011 in support of Balkan countries at a political, economic, and social level.Concurrently, our country has invested more than $20 billion in the Balkans and created 200,000 jobs, thus consolidating its leading role in the region’s development.
Our country’s interest in the prosperity of its neighbours is evident.We recently welcomed Albania and Croatia into NATO.On the Kosovo issue, Greece still provides a reliable contribution towards efforts for the resolution of pending political issues.At the same time, with regard to bilateral relations, we recently signed an agreement with our neighbour Albania on the delimitation of the continental shelf and other maritime zones, thus confirming the very good level of our bilateral relations.It is our policy’s objective to consolidate peace and stability in our neighbourhood.This is why we support the Euroatlantic perspective of our neighbours.This is why we support certain steps such as the liberalization of the EU visa regime vis-a-vis Western Balkan countries.
It is our position, of course, that full accession presupposes full compliance with European principles and values.And this is a message that we are sending in all directions.We are sending it to the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia.We are sending it to Turkey.At the same time, we support the Cypriot political leadership in its efforts towards finding a mutually acceptable solution – a Cypriot solution – to the Cyprus issue.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
In the current environment of intense political and economic interdependencies, we are called upon today to bolster our cooperation and coordinate our policies in order to find solutions.We should look at the problems in their true dimensions.We should adapt our policies to the true needs of our societies.We should conduct our foreign policy in a way that will safeguard peace and prosperity;a confident and open-minded foreign policy.Today, we have the opportunity to replace outdated policies and perceptions –to correct our inefficiencies of previous years – by placing our future on stronger foundations.This is Greece’s choice.And we call upon all of you – friends, allies and partners – to move in this direction.
Thank you.